Mr Speaker, what is it when we pass this law without the political will and courage to punish persons who perpetrate many of these unlawful things defined in our criminal code? I accept the principle that the gravest threat to our democracy is vigilantism, therefore we support the President in dealing with it.
The report on Ayawaso West Wuogon is still not known.
The Constitution, under the Commission of Enquiry, gives the President one of two options; to either publish the report, or to give reasons why he would not publish the report. We demand that the President respects the tenets of the Constitution, by either publishing the report with a white paper, or giving the Ghanaian people the reasons he would not be able to do it, particularly, as it informs the Vigilantism Bill.
Mr Speaker, just for the numbers and for the record, I would refer you to page 62 of the Mid-Year Review Budget Statement. When the Hon Minister for Finance appeared before this House, he asked for the approval for GH¢9,620 billion, and it was approved for them.
When the Hon Minister went out to the market, he went beyond his
mandate and went in for GH¢13,646 billion. Where did he get the authorisation for that additional GH¢ 4 billion? That is not acceptable to the Public Financial Management Act, nor the provisions of the Constitution.
Since he himself uses the term “high debt distress”, we would need to help him. Whether it has to do with domestic borrowing to deal with the banking crises or external borrowing to deal with infrastructural deficit, we would need to make sure that we do not return to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as our current President and the former President, John Mahama said. We need to be cautiously disciplined.
I have said that the Fiscal Responsibility Council, created by the President with eminent people like Paul Acquah, is a good thing to do to consolidate the exit of the IMF.
However, the President and the law makers should know that the Fiscal Responsibility Act did not make any provision for a Council and therefore their decisions would only be persuasive and moral. It needs to be binding, so we have to either come back for a review of the law, or dissolve it appropriately because when it has no binding effect, it would have nothing to do.
Mr Speaker, we have just been visited with what Government sources
quote as an embarrassing scandal of fraud, associated with the Concessional Agreement of the Millennium Development Authority (MiDA) under the United States of America (US) compact. We demand a full-scale open investigation into the matter, even if it requires a judiciary inquiry beyond Parliament. We ourselves played a role in this matter.
Mr Speaker, heads must roll. Those who misled Parliament with any document that turned out to be fraudulent would have questions to answer, and we would need to establish it.
Mr Speaker, on the issue of the energy sector levies, I have been reminded by my Hon Colleague, and he says that I should quote him well. This Government promised the people of Ghana a transition from taxation to production, but we are now into taxation to taxation. The taxes that they hitherto said were not good enough are those that they are now adjusting upwards. So, we still have an over-promising and under- delivering National Patriotic Party (NPP) Government of a record.
Mr Speaker, there are outstanding arrears for nurses, and there are outstanding arrears for the Nation Builders Corps (NABCO). This
Government promised these young people that they would do better, so they should do better and clear those arrears, which were promised them.
Mr Speaker, I conclude by recognising one of our own from the Minority, the Hon Kpodo, joined by the Hon Richard Quashigah. At least if for nothing, on the bases of their conviction, they went to the Supreme Court, and we now have “total revenue”, defined by the Hon Kpodo.
The Supreme Court Judge in his ruling on the case of Benjamin Komla Kpodo and Richard Quashigah vs. the Attorney- General says, and I quote:
“To the extent that section 1and 2, 2b, 3(1)(b), 3(5a), 7(a), and 8 of the Earmarked Funds Capping and Realignment Act of 2017, (Act 947) and section 126 of the Local Governance Act, 2016, (Act 916), purport to limit the proportion of revenue due for allocation to the District Assembly's Common Fund, as established by article 25(2) of the Constitution, the same are in contravention of the Constitution, and I hereby declare it null and void.”
Mr Speaker, if for nothing, the Common Fund is the beneficiary, and MPs have a better allocation. The Hon